California regains its power to regulate internet service providers. Here’s why that’s good news for consumers

By Debra Gore-Mann and Paul Goodman


Eight years ago, major internet service providers convinced the California Legislature to deregulate their industry.

It was a bad decision that, mercifully, came to an end Jan. 1 when this ill-conceived law sunsetted. The California Public Utilities Commission’s power to protect consumers has been restored.

Let’s be honest: Communities of color suffer the most harm from un- or under-regulated industries. We could list examples all day, but here are a few:

For the past three decades, internet service providers, and their predecessors, phone companies, have successfully waged a war to deregulate their industry.

Regulation, they argue, will stifle innovation. That may have been true 30 years ago. But now, the only innovation we see is ISPs coming up with new ways to charge you more while delivering less, even as they find new ways to discriminate against people of color.

That’s why we, as advocates for communities of color, joined with other consumer advocates in opposing the deregulation push.

But legislators have generally bought the providers’ argument hook, line, and sinker.

California’s Legislature may be a leader in environmental justice and clean energy, but it has repeatedly done the bidding of internet service providers, which in 2012 convinced the lawmakers to essentially deregulate broadband services until 2020—all in the name of “innovation.”

Over the past seven years, internet service providers have come up with quite a few “innovations”:

So it’s no surprise that ISPs are consistently rated the worst companies in America, worse than airlines, banks and insurance companies.

The good news is that Californians are tired of this behavior and sent a clear message to legislators: Stop doing the ISPs’ bidding. This time, the legislature listened, and we stopped an industry-sponsored bill that would have extended the deregulation of internet services permanently.

Now, the California Public Utilities Commission has regained its authority to enforce service quality standards, require that internet service functions during power outages, and ensure that every household has access to high-speed, robust, and affordable internet service.

California needs to hold ISPs accountable, because the Federal Communications Commission—the federal agency that is supposed to regulate them—is being run by a chairman bent on eliminating every consumer protection he can get his hands on.

With the California commission’s authority restored, it can finally take actions critical to California’s consumers.

For years, providers have refused to provide detailed pricing data to the commission. Now, the commission has the power to force them to do so and to protect consumers from being gouged.

Similarly, the commission can enforce California’s new law on net neutrality, which is the principle that Internet service providers should enable access to all content and applications regardless of the source, and without favoring or blocking particular products or websites.

Maybe most urgently, the California Public Utilities Commission can address how the companies ensure that internet services, including internet-based phone services, work during natural disasters.

While broadband providers claimed that they were prepared for Pacific Gas & Electric’s recent northern California power shutoffs, those claims were wrong.

Many households that lost power also lost their broadband and phone service. The commission can now take swift action to require that broadband providers have sufficient backup power to keep services running for at least 72 hours.

Public safety is at stake. When you dial 9-1-1, should you need to worry about what type of technology you are using? No. You just want to know that you can reach someone on the other end when there’s an emergency.

Internet service providers don’t give up easily.

We’ll see them back in Sacramento, making their same, shop-worn, baseless claims that they need to operate free of regulation. We need to maintain pressure on legislators to ensure that every Californian—not just ISP shareholders—benefit from everything a free, open, and affordable internet has to offer.


Debra Gore-Mann is president and chief executive officer of The Greenlining, and Paul Goodman is Technology Equity Director, They wrote this commentary for CalMatters.

California Remains a Beacon of Hope

The Huffington Post
By Orson Aguilar

Last Tuesday’s election results are real, and they mean we have a fight on our hands. Still, California remains a ray of light amid the darkness. More than ever, we need a strong offensive and defensive strategy for California and the nation. Some take-aways from the election:

1. “White-lash” and sexism are real.

Too many voters simply couldn’t accept a woman as their next president. Divisive appeals to white voters by targeting people of color clearly worked. We always knew that a backlash would come as we get closer to 2044, when whites will become the minority.

2. Scapegoating only works when people feel real pain.

Just as we shouldn’t believe the polls, we shouldn’t believe the rosy economic reports issued by Washington. Our changing economy isn’t working for most Americans. Reports claiming that unemployment is at an all-time low should come with a giant footnote stating, “African-Americans not included.” Communities of color have been the canaries in the coal mine, but unfortunately our leaders didn’t listen. Will they listen now that white communities have joined us in the birdcage?

3. Let’s be proud of California.

Californians passed housing bonds, rent controls, taxes on cigarettes, soda and the wealthy, and continued the path to criminal justice reform. In the Bay Area, the soda industry’s massively financed attempt to use merchants of color as a shield backfired. We overturned a ban on bilingual education left over from previous years of immigrant bashing. But we didn’t win it all: Big pharma still won and we didn’t repeal the death penalty. But overall, our plan in California is working and we should feel proud of what we’ve done and where we are going. We no longer fear the initiative process as we once did. We have learned to play the game.

What’s Next?

We need a savvy combination of offense and defense.

On offense, we need to push California to lead on issues of civil rights, economic opportunity, and racial justice. Now is NOT the time to stop. We need to keep pushing to show the country that we have proven solutions — and they work. Let’s be bolder with our ideas. Too many Californians still live in poverty and we still lock up too many people in our prisons.

But we also have to play defense. Millions of Americans are rightfully living in fear. Draconian budget cuts could further exacerbate poverty and inequality. Women’s rights will be attacked and as women they will simply be told to “move to another state.” A Giuliani broken-windows approach could bring racial profiling back to the mainstream. Millions of undocumented people and Dreamers fear deportation regardless of whether they have a criminal record. Muslims are not sure when somebody will attack them or burn their places of worship. The LGTBQ community worries that the tide of recent advances will start to reverse. Hate and harassment could go mainstream as witnessed by several recent incidents around the country.

We have to be ready to play some strong defense and stand by all of our communities when the attacks come. We must hold our state leaders accountable to fight even harder against sexism, racism, homophobia, and inequality. Now is the time to build stronger partnerships with national networks as they prepare themselves for the onslaught. Let’s not be surprised when the attacks come, and let’s remember that an attack on one is an attack on all.

More than ever, we must stand together. In this moment of challenge, let’s not underestimate the strength of our communities.

Tired but ready,


California Shows How to Fight Climate Change and Help Underserved Communities

By Emi Wang

Something amazing is happening in California. The Golden State has taken bold steps to act on climate change, including regulations to cut carbon consumption and charging polluters for the carbon that they emit. The money from polluters is placed into a fund called the Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund (GGRF), where it goes to work promoting the clean energy economy in communities across the state.

Of course, California isn’t the only place to put a price on carbon. A group of northeastern states, as well as Ontario and Quebec, have taken similar action, generally using some form of cap-and-trade mechanism like California.

But California took its effort a step farther, recognizing that poverty and pollution go hand in hand—and that smart policies can help tackle both.

Thanks to the work of the California Climate Equity Coalition, of which my organization the Greenlining Insitute is a part, 35 percent of those resources must be invested in the state’s most polluted and economically disadvantaged communities, communities that have experienced decades of disinvestmentredlining and heavy pollution.

As of 2016, this has meant $419 million invested directly in projects in neighborhoods to help families save money on their energy bills, get solar panels or purchase an electric vehicle. Grants to community groups and local governments help them transform concrete city blocks with tree-lined streets, create community gardens, build permanently affordable housing close to public transit and more.

These investments don’t just reduce carbon emissions. They help ensure that even poor Californians enjoy the savings and health benefits of the clean energy economy, while creating jobs in the communities that need them most. This remarkable achievement can be a model for other states and nations fighting climate change.

What’s not so amazing is that the infrastructure that California has created is enormously complex and hard to understand, even for someone like me whose job it is to track this stuff. And for the everyday renter, community-based group or local city planner, it can be dizzying to try to understand what resources are available to you and your community. So we’re trying to solve that problem.

The Tool: UpLift Resource Finder

These resources can’t help people and communities fight climate change or embrace clean energy if they don’t know about them. That’s why we created the UpLift Resource Finder, to help folks navigate through the complicated world of California Climate Investments. The Resource Finder contains a comprehensive database of over 40 grants and rebates that individuals, families, community-based organizations, schools, municipalities, tribes and businesses can use to act on climate locally.

Whether you’re a community group looking to plant trees or a family wanting to find electric car rebates, the Uplift Resource Finder makes it easier to find out how California’s climate investments can help you. It also has an interesting story for non-Californians. We offer the tool in two views:

  1. Guided Tour: Don’t know where to start? We’ll walk you through four questions to get you to your results.
  2. Full Database: Want to look at the full database? Skip ahead to the full listing and filter your results manually.

We hope that this tool will make it easier for anyone to see what grants and rebates are the best fit, so that all California communities can participate in our fight against climate change. But even if you’re not from California, it’s still worth a look to see all the ways dollars collected from polluters can make life better for people and communities. We’re showing that the fight against climate change isn’t something distant and abstract; it can change lives for the better and make a real difference in neighborhoods that have suffered from decades of neglect.

California’s Broken Ballot Initiative System Endangers Civil Rights

Race, Peace, & the Environment
By: Michelle Romero

Ballot initiatives play an increasingly important role in setting policy in California on every issue from healthcare and the environment to same-sex marriage. In 1911, when wealthy special interests had corrupted politics in Sacramento and crippled the people’s ability to hold government accountable, California established the initiative, referendum, and recall to give the people the power to make or unmake their own state laws and to remove their elected officials. But today, that system is not functioning as it was intended, especially for California’s new majority.

Continue reading “California’s Broken Ballot Initiative System Endangers Civil Rights”

California’s Climate Revolution: Could It Change the National Conversation?

The Huffington Post
by Preeti Vissa

Largely under the radar of national and even local media, California has begun a quiet revolution in climate policy that could change the whole national conversation about curbing global warming.

Advocates of strong climate change policies have had an immense political challenge that goes far beyond debunking the antiscientific rants of global warming deniers. That political dilemma was summed up in a May 20 New Yorkmagazine article by Jonathan Chait, who contrasted the politics of climate change with another recent controversy:

The grimmest contrast between power-plant regulation and health care is that regulating carbon emissions creates almost no winners. There will be no equivalent of the millions of people newly granted access to medical care, no heartwarming stories of long-suffering patients seeing a doctor for the first time in years. Climate regulation doesn’t create a benefit. It doesn’t even prevent a loss. Its only goal is to mitigate the extent of the damage.

Until now, that’s been mostly true. The costs of converting from fossil fuels to less polluting forms of energy are real and short-term, but the benefits have been more distant and harder to see. A lot of those benefits, even in the best-case scenario, involve things that won’t happen: droughts that don’t occur, coastal cities not flooded because sea levels don’t rise as much as they might, etc.

And that’s what California is beginning to change. California’s climate policy is about to bring real benefits — not in distant decades but starting this year — to our state’s cities, towns and rural areas, including economically disadvantaged communities with the worst pollution.

California began tackling climate change in 2006 with law called AB 32, the Global Warming Solutions Act, committing the state to curbing greenhouse gas emissions. To carry out this objective, California began charging polluters for their carbon emissions under a cap-and-trade system. Those carbon auctions are starting to produce serious money: $872 million from the Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund in this year’s budget alone, a number that will only increase over time. That money, all from fees paid by polluters, can now be harnessed to do real good.

AB 32 contained general language indicating that the benefits from climate change policies should reach disadvantaged communities. Advocates like my colleagueVien Truong helped put teeth into that provision by successfully lobbying for followup legislation, SB 535, guaranteeing that 25 percent of Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund moneys go to projects benefiting disadvantaged communities, with a minimum of 10 percent going to projects actually located within those communities.

That money, $218 million this year alone, will now start flowing to projects that will do real good in neighborhoods that have too often been neglected — or worse, used as environmental dumping grounds where politicians thought it was safe to locate freeways, oil refineries and other polluting facilities that affluent communities didn’t want in their back yards. The money will help low-income families make their homes more energy efficient, improve public transit and create affordable housing close to transit.

These investments will save consumers money, clean the air, and — perhaps most important — create thousands of new jobs. And many of those jobs will be in areas where the unemployment rate is still in double digits and the economic recovery feels like a figment of someone’s imagination.

These investments, which will only grow as proceeds from California’s carbon auctions continue to roll in, will begin to demolish claims from the fossil fuel industry that we can’t afford to address climate change. And they can start to change the grim political calculus that Chait warned about. California is showing that efforts to stop global warming are a net plus — not in the distant future but here and now — cleaning the air, helping families and creating good jobs in communities that urgently need them.

California’s Smart Climate Policies Righting Historic Wrongs in Oakland: Part I

Oakland Local
by Vien Truong

Let’s start with one undisputed reality: Communities of color and low-income neighborhoods have long been used as environmental dumping grounds, sites for the sorts of facilities that wealthier communities don’t want. It’s not an accident that there are no oil refineries in Mill Valley or Beverly Hills, or freeways running through Pacific Heights. Those sorts of things usually end up where people have less money and less political clout.

Oakland is no exception. If you look at the maps generated by CalEnviroScreen – the state of California’s tool for identifying communities with the worst pollution and greatest economic needs – the orange and red colors that designate the most troubled areas slice right through the heart of our city. These include neighborhoods located along International Boulevard and the 880 freeway to the east and in the sections of West Oakland surrounded by the 880, 980 and 580.

That’s not a surprise. A few years ago, the California Air Resources Board examined pollution in West Oakland and identified a number of major sources of smog in the area, and they’re pretty much what you’d expect: Trucks, cars and buses – especially diesel trucks and buses — traveling the freeways and heading toward the port, locomotives coming in and out of the Union Pacific Oakland Railyard, other diesel equipment at the port and railyard, and ships in the port. As you might guess, diesel particulates from these facilities are a major problem for our air.

That’s the bad news. The good news is that help is on the way – not just for Oakland, but for polluted and economically struggling neighborhoods from San Bernardino to Fresno to our own back yard. That help is coming from smart, sensible policies to combat climate change, charge polluters for the garbage they put into our air, and use that money to promote clean energy and bring both cleaner air and good jobs to neighborhoods hit first and worst by pollution and global warming. There are lots of potential projects in Oakland that need some of this funding – projects that could help clean our air, bring jobs to our city and make our neighborhoods more attractive.

This isn’t pie-in-the-sky, it’s real. A few years ago the California Legislature passed AB 32 (Nunez/Pavley), officially dubbed the Global Warming Solutions Act, which limits the amount of junk that can be put into our air and charges polluters for the pollution the produce. The Greenlining Institute joined with other advocates to sponsor follow-up legislation, SB 535 (de Leon), that guarantees that one quarter of those funds go to projects that benefit highly polluted and economically challenged communities, with a minimum of 10 percent going to projects actually located within those communities.

This is serious money — $272 million in the current fiscal year, with much more to come – and these dollars will start to roll out in the coming months. But the struggle isn’t over.

Big Oil – via its trade organization, the Western States Petroleum Association, and assorted front groups pretending to represent consumers – is still fighting to kill California’s climate change and clean energy laws. They’re leaning hard on our legislators to weaken the law even as I write this.

But we’re fighting back. In part II next week I’ll explain more about how California’s clean energy policy is already helping California neighborhoods, the potential benefits for Oakland, and the campaign we’re launching to protect these life-saving laws from Big Oil.

California’s Smart Climate Policies Righting Historic Wrongs in Oakland: Part II

Oakland Local
by Vien Truong

Last week, I wrote about the history of environmental racism that has afflicted Oakland as well as communities of color and low-income communities across the state. Today, I want to introduce you to part of the solution.

His name is Denny Sysaknoi, and at age 16 he was headed for trouble. He grew up in a rough neighborhood with parents who were rarely there for him. His brother was in a gang, and is still in prison today. Denny was arrested at age 16 for possession of an unregistered gun, and got kicked out of school. His future looked grim.

But his life took a different turn. Today, at 21, Denny installs solar panels on the homes of low-income families in Fresno, where he grew up. He has a family. He has a career. He has a future.

What’s happened to Denny is beginning to happen for others in polluted and economically struggling neighborhoods up and down the state, and Oakland is one of many communities that will benefit. But Big Oil is trying to strangle that progress when it’s barely off the ground.

You see, California is doing something incredibly smart. Thanks to a law called AB 32 (Nunez/Pavley), we’re charging polluters for the junk they put into our air – carbon that causes climate change as well as the particulates and toxic chemicals that come with it. That includes big, industrial polluters as well as the oil companies making all that diesel fuel that so fouls the air into much of Oakland.

And we’re using that money for projects that help reduce pollution even further, while creating jobs for people like Denny. Thanks to follow-up legislation sponsored by The Greenlining Institute and other community advocates, SB 535 (deLeon), one quarter of those funds must go to projects that benefit highly polluted and economically disadvantaged communities.

Some of that money will go to bolster SASH, California’s Single Family Affordable Solar Homes program, making clean solar power affordable for low-income families, which has funded many of the projects Denny has worked on and where he got trained as a solar installer. Other funding will help families and small business owners make their homes and businesses more energy efficient, create affordable housing close to mass transit, and help replace dirty gas and diesel vehicles with clean, affordable forms of transportation.

The first year’s SB 535 funding, $272 million, will start rolling out this spring. But California’s climate law has already started to fund an Oakland Project that will capture and use organic material from solid waste, keeping over 20,000 tons of material out of East Bay landfills capturing the methane it produces, while creating both permanent and temporary jobs. That’s just the first, tiny start to projects here and around the state that will clean our air and put our people to work for years to come.

But we have to fight to protect this law, which is under ferocious attack from Big Oil and the fake “consumer” groups the oil lobby has created. They’re barraging the public and the legislature with misleading, distorted claims. Appallingly, they’re even claiming to represent low-income Californians – the very people whose kids are literally being poisoned by the pollution their products produce, and who are getting good jobs from California’s smart climate policies.

We’re fighting back. This week, we launched a new website,, that tells the story of California’s sensible, forward-thinking laws to fight global warming. Here you can find Denny’s story and the story of a low-income family that now has clean, affordable solar power thanks to Denny’s crew.

There will also be clear information about how these laws work, the good they’re doing for neighborhoods that have been neglected for too long, and resources for families and business owners looking to save energy and save money.

The site will grow over the coming months as we add more stories, information and resources. We’re giving it all we’ve got, but the blunt truth is we don’t have the money and resources that the oil lobby does. We’re depending on people power. We’re depending on you.

Please visit and learn the true story of how California’s climate change and clean energy laws are uplifting our air, our jobs and our neighborhoods – and help spread the word. The lungs you save may be your own.

California’s Climate Policies Put Money in Your Pocket

Asian Journal
by J.C. De Vera and Vien Truong

Do you look closely at your electricity bill? If you don’t, you might have missed something important. California’s policies to clean our air and combat climate change literally put money in the pockets of millions of families. In fact, they’ve already done it, but we worry that many in the Filipino community don’t know it’s happening.

If you get your electricity from Southern California Edison, San Diego Gas & Electric, Pacific Gas & Electric, Pacific Power or Liberty Utilities, twice a year you get something called a Climate Credit. This automatically appears on your bill sometime in April/May and again in October/November (the exact timing depends on your particular billing cycle) without you having to do anything.

Customers of these utilities received their first credit last spring and are getting their second now. Many have already gotten that second credit. On average, customers get about $35 taken straight off their bill.

Under a law passed in 2006 known as AB 32, California charges polluters for the filth they put into our air, pollution that contributes to global warming and hurts our lungs. The Climate Credit is your share of the charges paid by our state’s investor-owned utilities, whose power plants put a significant amount of pollution into the air we all breathe.

The amount of the credit varies slightly depending on which utility provides your power, but every household within each utility’s service territory receives the same amount – regardless of how much electricity the household uses. This makes sure that those who cut their energy use are not penalized by receiving a smaller credit, and it maximizes the benefit for low-income households—who spend more of their income on basic needs like energy and who generally conserve more energy than wealthier families, since they have less money to spend.

Small businesses benefit, too, though their credit works a bit differently.  Commercial, industrial, and agricultural customers, as well as nonprofits and schools, that typically use less than 20 kilowatts of electricity each month will receive the Climate Credit every month, as a credit related to the amount of electricity they use.

What you do with your credit is totally up to you, but here’s something to think about: You can magnify your savings by using some of that money to help save energy.

For example, are you still using old-fashioned, power-guzzling light bulbs? If so, you can use your Climate Credit savings to buy a few energy-saving compact fluorescent or LED bulbs. You’ll easily cut your electric bills enough over time to more than cover the cost of those new bulbs, essentially doubling your climate dividend. Not only will this reduce your energy bill, but if all of the millions of us getting this credit take these small steps, it could save enough power to replace two gas-fired power plants, making a real difference in avoiding dirty power and keeping our air clean.

Some of our state’s biggest polluters really, really don’t like California’s climate and clean energy laws, and they’ve been trying to scare people with phony stories about “hidden taxes.” They don’t want you to know that these laws are already cleaning our air and saving consumers and small business owners money. But nearly 11 million California families are seeing those savings on their energy bills right now.

California’s Diverse Communities Need Real Solutions to the Housing Crisis

By Adam Briones
Los Angeles Daily News

California is in the midst of a profound housing crisis. While reasonable people can debate solutions, no one can argue that today’s housing market works for anyone but millionaires. Even before the COVID-19 recession, skyrocketing rents made it difficult for even middle-income Californians to make ends meet, and astronomical home prices have pushed the dream of homeownership almost completely out of reach for people of color.

For too long California has failed to deliver the kind of effective housing reforms our diverse communities need. Rather than reasonable solutions, a stark ideological choice is often presented to voters: you can support more targeted low-income housing or the production of market-rate housing, but not both. If we want to remain a growing state that welcomes everyone, we need to move beyond simplistic narratives and accept that our state needs all kinds of housing for all kinds of Californians. At the same time, we also need to recognize that Black, Asian American, Latino and other communities of color were purposefully blocked from the way in which most American families have built wealth—homeownership.

Beginning in the 1930s, public and private sector leaders prevented diverse families from renting or buying into White neighborhoods, otherwise known as redlining. When courts invalidated explicitly racist laws decades later, cities and towns across the country restricted the construction of multifamily housing — a more legally defensible way to keep out families that might “change the neighborhood character.” Since systemic racism requires systemic solutions, any path out of our housing crisis has to address the wealth that was stolen from our communities and what reparations could look like.

Today’s housing crisis has profoundly impacted people of color, which make up more than 60 percent of our population. Our state has six of the nation’s 11 most expensive large metropolitan rental markets and more than two-thirds of Californians facing unaffordable housing costs are people of color. The average rent in Los Angeles has jumped 65 percent since 2010 and the real estate research firm CoStar noted in April that “the coronavirus outbreak won’t fundamentally alter Southern California’s severe housing shortage, which continually tilts the playing field in favor of landlords and owners.” The result is low-income, often immigrant families across the state living in unsafe, overcrowded homes, with no path to homeownership.

First, we must dramatically increase targeted affordable housing resources to help very low-income families and those experiencing homelessness. The private market will never adequately serve these folks and it’s important we make that explicit.  At the same time, making the process to build quality housing fairer will lead to more affordable rents and home prices for the nine out of ten Californians who live in market-rate housing. For this to happen we need our elected leaders to pass legislation that will support diverse housing types and end “one-size-fits-all” building restrictions. A number of important bills in Senate President Pro Tem Atkins’ housing production package can help. Senate Bill 902 and Senate Bill 1120, among other current bills, will help create more of the small-scale housing development California needs and they should receive strong support. But more needs to be done to address affordable homeownership.

Earlier this month, Assembly Bill 3155, a bill focused on creating more entry-level homeownership opportunities by streamlining the creation of smaller projects, was sidelined in the Assembly. Specifically, it would have made it easier to build developments with 10 or fewer units—the kind of projects corporate builders turn down but that are a good fit for small firms owned by people of color and immigrants. While that bill is dead, the principles can and should still be incorporated by Pro Tem Atkins into existing legislation, including speeding the creation of smaller buildings aimed at working-class homebuyers.

Public policy excluded people of color from neighborhoods and homeownership opportunities for generations, contributing to a wealth gap where Black and Latino families have only ten percent of the wealth white families have. By 2040, our state will be 70 percent people of color and our leaders must ensure greater opportunities for affordable rents and homeownership now and in the future. There is no excuse for further delay.

Adam Briones is the Director of Economic Equity at The Greenlining Institute, a policy, research, organizing, and leadership institute working for racial and economic justice.

Cambios de Cuidado de Salud Vienen al Valle Central

Vida en el Valle
Por: Justin Rausa

Nuevas opciones para el cuidado de la salud vienen pronto, gracias a la reforma de salud – conocida oficialmente como la Ley del Cuidado de Salud a Bajo Precio. Ya es hora, porque aquí en el Valle Central, tenemos una gran cantidad de desafíos al cuidado médico, y tendremos que asegurarnos de que todos nuestros ciudadanos reciban todos los beneficios que se merecen.

Hablamos sobre algunos de esos desafíos el 21 de febrero, cuando Valley LEAP y el Instituto Greenlining tuvieron una reunión en Huron. Está claro que muchos de los residentes del Valle Central se sienten frustrados por falta de acceso a la atención médica y la calidad de la atención que reciben.

Tenemos un serio problema con el acceso al cuidado médico. Los ocho condados del Valle tienen tasas más altas de residentes sin seguro médico que el promedio estatal de 19.5 por ciento. Las tasas más altas sin seguro médico se encuentran en los condados menos poblados, como Madera y Reyes, mientras que la mayoría de la población sin seguro vive en el condado de Fresno.

En especial, tenemos que crear conciencia y acceso a los recursos de salud en las comunidades menos favorecidas, como Huron, una comunidad campesina identificada por el periódico Fresno Bee como “la ciudad más pobre de California.”

Pero la ayuda ya viene en camino. Esta ley establece un nuevo intercambio de beneficios de salud conocido como Covered California — un mercado en línea, que será un poco como para el seguro médico. Individuos, familias y pequeñas empresas van a poder buscar y comparar los planes de seguro para encontrar uno que mejor se adapte a sus necesidades. Millones de estadounidenses que tienen problemas para pagar el seguro recibirán ayuda.

Esta ayuda estará disponible para las personas con ingresos de hasta cuatro veces el nivel federal de pobreza, que actualmente es $ 23,550 para una familia de cuatro. Créditos fiscales están disponibles para las pequeñas empresas que quieren cubrir a todos sus empleados.

Las políticas de seguro médico a través de California Covered comenzará el 1 de enero 2014, pero los Californianos podrán pre-inscribirse y comprar una cobertura a partir del 1 de octubre.

Incluso con la ayuda financiera, algunas personas todavía no podrán comprar cobertura médica, y ayuda está en camino para muchos de ellos. Gracias a la reforma de salud, Medi-Cal se está ampliando. A partir del 2014, los adultos menores de 65 años con ingresos de hasta 138 por ciento del nivel de federal de pobreza serán elegibles para Medi-Cal, al igual que los niños dentro de familias que tengan ingresos de hasta el 250 por ciento del nivel federal de pobreza.

Además, la mayoría de los condados del Valle — a excepción de Fresno y Merced — se han unido al Programa de Salud de bajos ingresos, que está haciendo la cobertura disponible más pronto a los que van a ser elegibles para Medi-Cal el próximo año.

Esa es la buena noticia. La mala noticia es que, bajo un estudio reciente de UCLA /UC Berkeley, entre 3.1 millones y cuatro millones de Californianos seguirán sin seguro en el 2019. Casi tres cuartas partes de ellos serán ciudadanos o inmigrantes documentados, y una cuarta parte será gente indocumentada. Dos tercios sin seguro médico serán latino.